The prison industrial complex also had a political connection as far back as the early 1970’s. In January 1973, then governor of New York, Nelson Rockefeller gave an address demanding that every illegal drug dealer be punished with a mandatory prison sentence of life without parole. Rockefeller demonstrated his “commitment” to the state of New York by proposing the harshest drug laws in the United States. Governor Rockefeller argued not only that drug dealers be imprisoned for life but also that plea-bargaining should be forbidden in such cases and that even juvenile offenders should receive life sentences. Rockefeller drug laws, which were enacted a few months later, were quite severe. The penalty for possessing four ounces of an illegal drug or for selling two ounces was a mandatory sentence of 15 years to life. These new for=und laws also included a provision that established a mandatory prison system for many second felony convictions, regardless of the crime or its circumstances. Meanwhile, Rockefeller proudly states he enacted the “toughest drug crime laws in the country”. It was not until the Anti-drug abuse act was incorporated in 1986 won the campaign to revive federal mandatory minimums. Nelson Rockefeller set in New York a shift in national sentencing policies, but since he became b=Vice President a year in a half later he did not have to deal with its consequences.
In 1984, Mario Cuomo was elected governor of New York state government was in bad condition. The inmate population had more than doubled since the passage of the Rockefeller drug laws and the prison systems in the United States were dangerously overcrowded. Although Cuomo was a liberal who opposed mandatory minimum drug sentences President Ronald Reagan had just launched the war on drugs; it was not the best time to go against mainstream America. Cuomo, unable to repeal the Rockefeller drug laws left no choice but to build more prisons. Building these prisons however would require money. In 1981, New York voters defeated a $500 million bond issue for a new prison construction. The only alternate source of financing this construction would be to use the states Urban Development Corporation funds to build the prisons. This corporation was a public agency created in 1968 to build housing for the poor. Using this corporation was a means of financing prison construction for one simple reason, it had the opportunity to issue state bonds without gaining approval from voters.
Surprisingly, private prisons are nothing new in US history. In the mid 1800’s state legislatures awarded contracts to private entrepreneurs to operate and mange Louisianans state prisons. Initially, these prisons were supposed to turn a profit for the state or at least pay for themselves. The private corporations promised to control the delinquents at no cost to the state. As the system spread, labor and businesses complained that using unpaid convict labor constituted “unfair ethical treatment”. While state officials remained indifferent or were bought off by prison interests, prisoners suffered malnourishment, frequent whippings, overwork and over crowdedness.
Prison management companies and United States corporations are increasing the number they use as a ready low cost. Prison and prisoners have become big businesses which are keeping profits from convict labor. Unicore and Wackenhut are examples of corporations that have privately owned and contracted prisons. Patrick Cannan, director of corporate relations for Wackenhut argues on their behalf, “our only incentive is to show a progressive rehabilitation model…we want to rehabilitate them.” We should not forget to recognize that these companies gross approximately $12.78 million every year. And, without this cheap labor their company would not be as prosperous as it is. This is where the political electives in this country begin to enforce harsh sentences for non-violent drug offenders in order to ensure full prison and continue this trend of free labor. The majority of the African American population in the prison system consists of non-violent drug offenders. Thus, a highly overcrowded, largely African American, non-violent offence, prisoners that fill our prisons providing cheap labor for large corporations with private contracts. Businesses whose profit opportunities depend not only on efficient management, but also upon the number of prisoners in their cells benefit profoundly from this source of cheap and sometimes free labor.
Another critical aspect of how the prison industrial complex keeps the labor is apparent in the over crowding of American prisons. Correctional officials may see danger in prisons overcrowding, but large corporations see it as opportunity. The nearly $2 million Americans behind bars mostly non-violent drug offenders means jobs for prisoners and a bonus for corporations.
While incarceration statistics have skyrocketed, crime rates have increased much more slowly. Among those arrested for violent crimes, the proportion who are African American men have changed very little over the past twenty years. Among those arrested for drug crimes, the proportion that are African American have tripled. Although drug abuse among white males are approximately the same, black men are five times more likely to be arrested for a drug offense. As a result of this, African Americans constitute about half of the inmates here in the United States. One out of every 14 black men is likely to be imprisoned at some point during his lifetime.
Another astonishing fact that this brings to the surface is that a large percentage of African American men will permanently lose their right to vote if current trends continue. In nine states, one in every four black men can never vote again because they were convicted of a felony. In states such as Washington, felons automatically lose the right to vote but may petition for the reinstatement of that right. This loss of voting rights shows the decreasing political power of blacks in America.
African Americans must take action before it s too late. We must not watch helplessly as those in power create and enforce unnecessarily harsh drug laws to breakdown our race. In fact it is the same people in power who import drugs into our country and our neighborhoods and distribute them in our communities. So, I urge African Americans people to realize that the prison industrial complex is a modern day form of slavery that not only destroys individuals, it destroys families and communities as well. If we do not defeat it, it will defeat us.
Bibliography
**Parenti, Christian, Lockdown America (London; New York: Verso, 1999) 17-19
**Lynch, Michael J. and Patterson, Britt, Race and Criminal Justice (New York: Harrow and Heinstien, 1991)
*Ranese, Celia “Todays Prison system vs. Yesterdays Slave System” USA TALK 13 March 1999
*Palmer, Louise “Numbers of Blacks in Prison nears 1 million” The Boston Globe Seattle Post Intelligencer
*United States Department of Justice Bureau of Statistics: Prison Inmate Statistics, Washington 1998
*Polowsky, Robert, “Liberal Legacy” Prison Activist Resource Center (weekly). 25 September 1998
*Smith, Phil, “Private Prisons Benefit” The Berne Collection. 1 December 1998
*Shakur, Assata, “Letter from Assata Shakur on the prison industrial complex” 25 October 1999
*Schlosser, Eric, “The Prison Industrial Complex” The Atlantic Monthly. December 1998 Vol. 282 No.6
*- Magazine or newspaper article
** – Book resource
Incarceration of a People
Ayesha Young
US Africa World
November 20, 2000