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Elizabethan Drama Essay Research Paper Beyond New (стр. 2 из 3)

projects, but they do so in the midst of intimations that the projects are

illusions.’ (p. 213) Accordingly, in a move which has become characteristic of

new historicism, Greenblatt prefaces his account of self-fashioning in Marlowe’s

plays with an anecdotal historical analogue for the contemporary `system’ of

power. This analogue juxtaposes Marlowe’s plays with the `casual, unexplained

violence’ in an English merchant’s tale of a voyage in 1586 to Sierre Leone,

suggesting an historical ‘matrix’ of the relentless power-hunger of Tudor

absolutism, and in particular the acquisitive energies of English merchants,

entre-preneurs, and adventurers.(p. 194) In some respects this echoes what might

be called the old historicist account of L.C.Knights in Drama and Society in the

Age of Jonson (1937), which examines the social and economic bases of

Elizabethan-Jacobean culture in rather more detail. But Greenblatt does not

relate nascent English capitalism and colonialism to the specific religious and

political conflicts dramatised in Tamburlaine. Rather, he deploys history as

`matrix’ in a more metaphorical analogy between the dynamic political geography

of merchant capital and the theatrical representation of space. Just as merchant

capitalism seeks to reduce geographical differences to an expression of its

power, so, for Greenblatt, Marlowe uses theatrical power to represent different

spaces: In Tamburlaine Marlowe contrives to efface all such differences, as if

to insist upon the essential meaninglessness of theatrical space, the vacancy

that is the dark side of its power to imitate any place. This vacancy – quite

literally, this absence of scenery – is the equivalent in the medium of the

theater to the secularization of space … (p. 195) On this basis Marlowe’s

dramatisation of the history of Tamburlaine is seen by Greenblatt as

Tamburlaine’s will to power in the occupation of theatrical space. Just as

Elizabethan dramatists breezily rewrite historical source materials, so

Greenblatt breezily rewrites Tamburlaine in terms which implicitly argue the

perspicuity of Deleuze and Guattari: `Tamburlaine is a machine, a desiring

machine that produces violence and death.’ (p. 195) Hence the terms of

Tamburlaine’s dynamic occupation of stage space are further abstracted from

Marlowe’s theatrical allegory of history, and dramatised in Greenblatt’s

anachronistic allegory: `Space is transformed into an abstraction, then fed to

the appetitive machine. This is the voice of conquest, but it is also the voice

of wants never finished and of transcendental homelessness.’ (p. 196) While

Greenblatt’s analogue indicates the dialectical relation between culture and

barbarity suggested by Walter Benjamin, he does not use it to examine specific

power struggles in history, but rather as an anecdotal allegory to suggest the

historicity of power. Greenblatt’s conception of theatricality is nevertheless a

sophisticated one. This is salutary amid the prevalent reluctance to recognize

the centrality of theatre and theatricality for Elizabethan drama, a reluctance

which reflects the dominance of print-culture perspectives on drama and more

recent attempts to conceive history as a form of textuality. However, his

account of theatricality risks remaining immanent within the metaphors generated

by theatricality in Marlowe’s plays. Comparing `the violence of Tamburlaine and

of the English merchant’ (p.197) this leads Greenblatt into an alarming

aestheticisation of their respective representations and experiences of stage

space and geography: experiencing this limitlessness, this transformation of

space and time into abstractions, men do violence as a means of marking

boundaries, effecting transformation, signaling closure. To burn a town or to

kill all of its inhabitants is to make an end, and in so doing, to give life a

shape and a certainty that it would otherwise lack. (p.197) There is something

chilling in these lines, not least in the trans-formation of violence into

formal patterns and the assimilation of human suffering – `to burn a town’ – to

the perspective of the violent protagonist. For Greenblatt the structure of

limits give shape but no escape: `in Marlowe’s ironic world, these desperate

attempts at boundary and closure produce the opposite effect, reinforcing the

condition they are meant to efface.’ (p. 198) The key anachronism is the

suggestion of ironic and implicitly inescapable reversals of power. Marlowe’s

plays fails to give such intelligible shape or indeed another moral scheme by

which to understand the spectacle of violence because the dramatic presentation

is not restricted to the self-fashioning of the protagonist: we also see the

victims. In the fifth act of Tamburlaine 1, for example, Tamburlaine sacks the

town of Damascus and kills all of its inhabitants, save the father of Zenocrate,

Tamburlaine’s wife-to-be. The play offers the Brechtian possibility that the

audience need not identify with Tamburlaine by offering perspectives on

Tamburlaine’s victims through Bajazeth, Zabina and, most importantly, Zenocrate.

Amid the death of Damascus, so to speak, and reports of the speared and

slaughtered carcasses of the virgins unsuccessfully sent by Damascus to

intercede with Tamburlaine, the audience also sees the laments and then suicides

of Bajazeth, Emperor of the Turks, and Zabina his wife, having had enough of

being paraded as Tamburlaine’s symbolic slaves. As Zabina puts it, `Then is

there left no Mahomet, no God, / No Feend, no Fortune, nor no hope of end / To

our infamous monstrous slaveries?’ (Pt.1: V.i.239-241) An audience might more

easily identify with such a lament than with a man who has killed a town. The

laments of Bajazeth and Zabina are highly charged and, juxtaposed with the

slaughtered virgins, their self-fashioned deaths suggest the extremes of the

social scale to suffer at the hands of Tamburlaine.[21] Their deaths are

immediately followed by the entrance of Zenocrate who laments the sack of her

home town by her supposed lover: Zenocrate. Wretched Zenocrate, that livest to

see, Damascus walles di’d with Egyptian blood: Thy Fathers subjects and thy

countrimen. Thy streetes strowed with dissevered jointes of men, And wounded

bodies gasping yet for life…. Ah, Tamburlaine, wert thou the cause of this

That tearm’st Zenocrate thy dearest love? Whose lives were dearer to Zenocrate

Than her own life, or ought save thine owne love. (Pt. 1, V.i.319-323, 334-5)

Coming after Bajazeth and Zabina, Zenocrate reminds the audience of the

slaughter of Damascus, and highlights the depth of Tamburlaine’s rejection of

the natural pity which might be associated with love. But if this isn’t enough

to suggest that we might identify with the victims of Tamburlaine, Zenocrate

then turns to see the `bloody spectacle’ of Bajazeth and Zabina: `Behold the

Turke and his great Emperesse./ Ah Tamburlaine, my love, sweet Tamburlaine, /

That fights for Scepters and for slippery crownes’ (Pt.1, V.i.354-6). This

suggests the way in which the play might be read as the tragedy of Bajazeth and

Zabina, their history as moral exemplum in the mirror of magistrates tradition.

However, despite the efforts of Zenocrate and Anippe, her maid, to summon the

wheel of fortune scheme this serves instead to highlight the dramatic

ambivalence of Tamburlaine’s unstopped rise to power. Roy Battenhouse offers the

most sustained attempt to reinscribe Tamburlaine in a moral scheme, focussing in

particular on the end of part 2, and reading the play in terms offered by

Tamburlaine’s final words, as the story of a `Scourge of God’ (Pt.2: V.iii.258),

but this reading has to work against the grain of Marlowe’s more ambivalent

moral and theological implications. History itself, as Battenhouse concedes,

makes his case hard to sustain: The tradition of Tamburlaine’s peaceful and

natural death being thus firmly established, we must recognize that Marlowe’s

opportunities to make of the history an example of God’s punishing of sin were

definitely limited. The histories were attributing to this Scythian scourge a

long life of unobscured glory – a career which looked like a blasphemous

challenge to the Puritan dogma of Providence. [22] The approach suggested by

Greenblatt is more convincing in this respect: `Tamburlaine repeatedly teases

its audience with the form of the cautionary tale, only to violate the

convention. All of the signals of the tragic are produced, but the play

stubbornly, radically, refuses to become a tragedy.’ (p. 202) Part 1, in

particular, ends with Tamburlaine triumphant, crowning Zenocrate queen of Persia

and talking of marriage rites to come, presenting the melancholy spectacle of

inhuman, ruthless violence and tyranny unpunished. Indeed the audience are

encouraged to view this spectacle with horror and amazement. For most of act

five of part 1 Tamburlaine is identified with death, entering as the stage

direction puts it: `all in blacke, and verie melancholy’ (Pt.1: V.i.inter 63-4).

In one of Marlowe’s finest theatrical touches he shows the horror of

Tamburlaine’s power through the rhetoric of allegorical reference to his sword

as he claims that death is his servant and dismisses the virgins sent by

Damascus to intercede with him: Tamburlaine: Virgins, in vaine ye labour to

prevent That which mine honor sweares shal be perform’d: Behold my sword, what

see you at the point. 1. Virgin: Nothing but feare and fatall steele my Lord.

Tamburlaine: Your fearfull minds are thicke and mistie then, For there sits

Death, there sits imperious Death, Keeping his circuit by the slicing edge. But

I am pleasde you shall not see him there: He now is seated on my horsmens

speares, And on their points his fleshlesse bodie feeds. Techelles, straight goe

charge a few of them To charge these Dames, and shew my servant death, Sitting

in scarlet on their armed speares. (Pt. 1: V.i.106-118) Tamburlaine’s sword is

more than an object of fear and potentially fatal steel, becoming an allegory in

which the stage property is an object of melancholic perception, a figure of

death. Benjamin comments that `once human life has sunk into the merely

creaturely, even the life of apparently dead objects secures power over it.’[23]

And while the fatal power of swords as objects is evident, the importance of the

stage property here is the significance of this sword as an object of

contemplation into which history has been metonymically distilled. The

illumination of the fateful qualities of the most trivial stage property, such

as a handkerchief or a glove, reveal such props to be objects, often poisonous

ones, which signify the fateful arbitrariness of objective history. Indeed the

relation between protagonists and the fateful objects with which they identify

is a central dramaturgical part of the opening of many of Marlowe’s plays: a

letter for Gaveston; Faustus and books; Barabas and heaps of gold. The

significance of this is highlighted by the insignificance of such stage props in

classical drama. As Benjamin argues: `In moral examples and in catastrophes

history served only as an aspect of the subject matter of emblematics. The

transfixed face of signifying nature is victorious, and history must, once and

for all, remain contained in the subordinate role of stage-property.’[24]

Similarly, sovereignty is given allegorical representation in the metonymical

form of sceptres and what Zenocrate calls `slippery crownes’. All through

Tamburlaine crowns are the sad allegorical tokens of earthly power, but they

become melancholic properties rather than moral exempla precisely when

providential schemes of history as morality fail. Melancholic because the

allegory of the objective world such stage props signify is one in which the

dramatisation of history as evil recoils from the realisation that there is no

evil in nature, only a subjective understanding with no correlative in reality.

A striking passage from Plotinus’s third century Enneads suggests the

possibility of seeing the enormity of history as the pleasurably lamentable work

of a dramatic artist, while suggesting also the risks of failing to recognise

the possible barbarity of neo-Platonist attempts to figure life as play, and so

reduce the historical world to a phenomenon secondary to subjective

understanding: Murders, death in all its guises, the reduction and sacking of

cities, all must be to us just such a spectacle as the changing scenes of a

play; all is but the varied incident of a plot, costume on and off, acted grief

and lament. For on earth, in all the succession of life, it is not the Soul

within but the Shadow outside of the authentic man that grieves and complains

and acts out the plot on this world stage which men have dotted with stages of

their own constructing. All this is the doing of man knowing no more than to

live the lower and outer life, and never perceiving that, in his weeping and in

his graver doings alike, he is but at play; to handle matters austerely is

reserved for the thoughtful: the other kind of man is himself a futility. Those

incapable of thinking gravely read gravity into frivolities which correspond to

their own frivolous Nature.[25] Murder, death in all its guises, and the

reduction and sacking of cities are the spectacles and changing scenes of

Marlowe’s unnatural histories, especially in Tamburlaine and The Massacre at

Paris. The resort to theatrical melancholy need not collapse the world of

suffering into a frivolous nature which corresponds to that melancholy, as

though the sacking of cities were frivolous. Nevertheless, the dramatisation of

such history as a pageant of power invariably threatens to be caught in a figure

which naturalises history as play. Plotinus reminds us that some of the relevant

figures are not as historically specific as they at first seem. The important

difference is that Elizabethan drama, and in particular tragedy, registers an

essential inhumanism, notably in the melancholic, metonymical significance of

crowns, swords and other often poisonous stage properties whose seemingly modest

objectivity overcomes the best efforts of human subjects. Moreover the drama

suggests an unfathomably lamentable quality in the struggle between natural and

unnatural forces, precisely because without eschatology or a modern idea of

natural history, history is reduced to an allegory of natural forces. Thus the

understanding of Elizabethan drama would be furthered by examining the relation

between nature, history and theatricality, so as to reveal its truth as a

cognitive framework which has become historically alienated from the barbarity

it sought to understand. Elizabethan drama attempts to stage history as nature;

not nature in the modern sense, but rather an unnaturally horrific and

lamentable allegory of nature as history. Decoding the history in this nature

involves recognizing the way this allegorical staging of history helps us

understand the necessity for historical distanciation, particularly from any

attempt to displace the horror in its allegory of natural history with new

allegories of the historicity of power and subjectivity. In short, the effort to

rethink Elizabethan drama might restore a sense of the unnatural histories which

divide and rule our historical differences. Rather than rethinking such history

in `our’ own natural interests, such documents might be blasted out of their

continuity and given a sense of unrelenting strangeness rather than strained

relevance. The hermeneutic shibboleths of power, subjectivity and identity may

also have to give way to the rejection or at least melancholic recognition of

the essential inhumanism of a world without grace whose historical nature is a

nightmare from which we are yet to awake.

[1] Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, trans. B. Fowkes,

Surveys from Exile: Political Writings, vol. 2, ed. D. Fernbach (Harmondsworth,

1973). [2] W. Benjamin, ‘Uber den Begriff der Geschichte’, Illuminationen, ed.

S.Unseld (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), p. 254; translation amended from ‘Theses on

the Philosophy of History’, Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (London, 1973), p.

258. [3] See New Historicism and Renaissance Drama, eds. Richard Wilson and

Richard Dutton (London and New York, 1992); and Staging the Renaissance:

Reinterpretations of Elizabethan and Jacobean Drama (New York and London, 1991),