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Fascism In The Contemporary World Essay Research (стр. 3 из 3)

The current government in Serbia uses propaganda to gain the support of the Serbian population (Branson, 1991, p. 48). The government also pursues a policy of exclusion, and has shipped Bosnian Muslims out of Serbia in railroad boxcars (Lief, 1992, pp. 41﷓44).

Western critics label Slobodan Milosevic, the charismatic Serbian president, as a fascist (Webb, 1993, p. 18). While Milosevic is authoritarian, nationalistic, and exclusionary, he is not a fascist. Milosevic remains a socialist, and as such is abhorred by fascists (Rosenberger, 1994, pp. 28﷓30).

A valid issue is how the Milosevic government in contemporary Serbia rates as either ultranationalist or fascist in character. Within these contexts, the assessment of the Serbian government is as follows:

1. Ultranationalism:

a. The Milosevic government is strongly patriotic.

b. The Milosevic government is strongly chauvinistic.

c. The Milosevic government is highly insular.

d. The Milosevic government is highly exclusionary.

e. The Milosevic government does not avoid international interventionist activities, as Serbia attempts to gain control of territory in surrounding nations in which large concentrations of ethnic Serbians reside.

2. Fascism:

a. The Milosevic government exercises authoritarian control.

b. Milosevic is a charismatic leader.

c. The Milosevic government does not attempt to stifle political opposition.

d. The Milosevic government is strongly nationalistic.

e. The Milosevic government is not strongly anti﷓communist.

f. The Milosevic government is anti﷓liberal.

g. Opposition parties are represented in the Serbian parliament.

h. The Milosevic government does not exhibit antipathy toward parliamentary parties.

i. The government has given no indications of what actions it would take to remain in power.

j. The Milosevic government has been linked directly with the use of violence and terror. Bosnian Serbians have been so linked. The Milosevic government has used propaganda to attain political objectives.

k. The Milosevic government has not displayed a willingness to disregard constitutional provisions and laws generally.

On balance, the Milosevic government in Serbia qualifies for designation as an ultranationalist organization. On balance, however, the Milosevic government does not qualify for designation as a fascist organization.

Conclusion

The contemporary governments in Croatia, Hungary, and Serbia are all ultranationalist in character. While the contemporary governments in both Croatia and Hungary are also fascist in character, the contemporary government in Serbia is not fascist. There is a tendency in the western nations to term the people in Croatia, Hungary, and Serbia as xenophobic because of their exclusionary policies. Xenophobia infers a fear of foreign persons. Because an individual hates persons of different races or national origins, however, does not necessarily infer a fear of those persons. Thus, while Croatians, Hungarians, and Serbians may well be largely racist, there are not of necessity xenophobic. To make such an assertion is similar in character to the gay rights propagandists in the United States who claim that all of the bigots who opposed equity for homosexual persons are in fact afraid of homosexuality. Such absurdities degrade justifiable accusations of bigotry, and similar assertions could degrade justifiable charges of racism in the Balkans.

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Bibliography

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Husarska, Anna. (1992, 30 November). His kampf. New Republic, 207(23), 10﷓11.

Hyams, E. (1973). The millennium postponed: Socialism from Sir Thomas Moore to Mao Tse﷓Tung. New York: Taplinger Publishing Company.

Ingram, Derek. (1994, February). Hatred rising. World Press Review, 41(2), 8﷓9.

Kenez, Peter. (1992, 21 September). Looking backward. The New Leader, 75(12), 6﷓8.

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Lief, Louise. (1992, 27 July). Europe’s trails of tears. U.S. News & World Report, 113, 41﷓44.

Maclean, F. (1957). The heretic: The life and times of Josip Broz﷓﷓Tito. New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers.

Moore, Philip. (1993, March). Battle to strengthen the banks enters a new phase. Euromoney, 141﷓143.

Palmer, Alan. (1970). The lands between. London: The Macmillan Company.

Pavlowitch, S. K. (1971). Yugoslavia. New York: Praeger Publishers.

Robbins, Keith. (1984). The First World War. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.

Roberts, Kenneth. (1994, 19 March). Unreconstructed Nazism on display. Spectator, 272(8645), 16﷓18.

Rosenberger, Chandler. (1994, 7 February). The Milosevic mafia. National Review, 46, 28﷓30.

Singleton, F. (1976). Twentieth﷓century Yugoslavia. New York: Columbia University Press.

Steady does it? (1993, 30 January). Economist, 326, 48.

Torok, Adam. (1993, June). Trends and motives of organizational change in Hungarian industry. Journal of Comparative Economics, 17, 366﷓384.

Webb, W. L. (1993, 23 April). Driven mad by history. New Statesman & Society, 6(249), 18﷓19.

Weidmann, Manfred. (1993, April). Hungary: An end in sight. Euromoney, 104﷓105.

White, L. (1951). Balkan ceasar: Tito vs. Stalin. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.

Williams, Carol J. (1994, 8 May). Hungarian voters look to bring back breakthrough days. Los Angeles Times, B5.

Woodard, Colin. (1992, 15 April). Dramatic surge in racist attacks prompt foreign students to leave Hungarian universities. Chronicle of Higher Education, 38, A48.

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