Большинство журналистов британских изданий отмечают, что целью В.В. Путина является возрождение былого могущества России (Советского Союза):
Putin has every intention of holding on to power, deploying every tactic available to him to enhance Russian influence (Scotland On Sunday, 11 January 2009);
Putin is also driven by a desire to revive a lost empire, the Soviet Union (The Guardian, 23 January 2009);
И он воспользуется любыми средствами, чтобы достичь этого:
Russian oil and gas are his weapons of choice in a battle to reassert Russian dominance over its lost empire, to weaken European resistance to that grand design, and to reclaim respect and fear for Russia as a great power (The Times, 15 January 2009);
These pipelines are key to Mr Putin's divide-and-rule strategy (The Times, 15 January 2009);
Putin is a master tactician – able to deploy the right weapon at the right time. In Ukraine, Putin has demonstrated his might by refusing to supply gas until Kiev agrees to a humiliating 40% price increase. In Georgia, he has adopted a gradualist policy that began with influence and ends with annexation (The Guardian, 23 January 2009);
Putin … is happy to project his cultivated image as a stoic figure of authority, the heroic leader who revived Russia's global standing and transformed the ailing state into a major emerging power (The Guardian, 19 January 2009).
В британскую прессу начинает просачиваться информация о скором возвращении г-на Путина на пост Президента Российской Федерации:
… it is designed to prepare the former KGB operative for a return to power in the long run (The Guardian, 19 January 2009);
Rumours persist that Mr Putin plans a return to the Kremlin, perhaps even this year, to try to hold the system together (The Guardian, 26 January 2009).
В то же время делается отрицательный акцент на результатах неограниченного влияния В.В. Путина:
Putin is playing games and most of them breach the health and safety regulations of global diplomacy on a massive scale (Scotland On Sunday, 11 January 2009);
The Russian Prime Minister has done what no Soviet leader did - made Russia's key national asset an instrument of political blackmail. He has done it before, in 2006; he could do it again (The Times, 15 January 2009);
Власть В.В. Путина распространилась на все сферы жизнедеятельности, в том числе на средства массовой информации, производство и функционирование местного самоуправления:
One says "he" [Putin] because nobody is in any doubt about who runs Gazprom, the Russian gas giant. The highly public way in which Putin ordered the chief executive of Gazprom to cut off the supply to Ukraine, on television, was done for deliberate effect: the Tsar issued a command and was instantly obeyed (Scotland On Sunday, 11 January 2009);
Mr Putin introduced the measure to protect domestic car producers, controlled by Kremlin favourites… (Times Online, 26 January 2009);
Any candidate standing for office in Sochi will be another of Mr Putin's playthings; a puppet whose strings are twisted by a fist in the Kremlin (The Times, 18 March 2009).
… in the Russian state-controlled media (The Guardian, 20 January);
State-controlled television is playing down the crisis, and most newspapers are also toeing the Kremlin line (The Independent, 2 February 2009);
Soft censorship defines the media landscape, and editors know instinctively which boundaries not to cross (the most important rule: never criticize Putin) (The Observer, 12 April 2009);
Russian television and most other newspapers, all under Putin’s thumb (The Observer, 12 April 2009).
Противостояние Путинскому режиму (Vladimir Putin’s regime) становится опасным, поэтому многие независимые журналисты, борцы за права и свободы человека, критики современного правительства боятся за свою жизнь:
Russia is now a gangster state - formally a democracy but in reality nothing of the kind - where the murder of Kremlin critics can take place with impunity (The Guardian, 28 January 2009);
… as ever in Russia when opponents of the regime are mysteriously gunned down - no police at the scene… The murders of these Kremlin foes - journalists, lawyers and critics of Russia’s security services - all have a common theme. Nobody is ever caught and punished (The Guardian, 28 January 2009);
The critics of Vladimir Putin … have a strange habit of being found shot or stabbed or poisoned (The Independent, 25 February 2009);
Human rights groups and opposition journalists in Russia fear they are “under siege” following the murder of a lawyer and journalist by a gunman (The Financial Times, 23 January 2009);
The committee to Protect Journalists estimates that at least 49 have been killed in Russia since 1992. Only in Iraq and Algeria it is more dangerous to be a journalist (New Statesman, 5 February 2009).
Британские СМИ возлагают большие надежды на то, что Д.А. Медведев освободится от влияния бывшего Президента В.В. Путина и обретет самостоятельность в принятии государственных решений, а его политика будет направлена в либеральное русло:
Dmitry Medvedev has also been making waves, prompting speculation that he is looking towards a post-Putin era (The Guardian, 19 February 2009);
Medvedev has begun to issue muffled criticism of his mentor (The Guardian, 3 March 2009);
Medvedev said responses to the financial crisis - set by Putin as head of government - were "unacceptably slow" and instead of action on promised reforms there had been only "talking and talking" … He [Medvedev] has given tacit approval for his administration to engage in an information war with Putin's apparatus (The Guardian, 3 March 2009);
Mr Medvedev has opted for regular interviews on state television to explain Kremlin policy to the public… For Russians, long used to being lied to by their leaders, it was refreshingly honest. Mr Medvedev has also ordered ministers to go out and explain their work to the public after complaining that the Government was "working very slowly" If Mr Medvedev has really seized on the economic difficulties as an opportunity to foster a more pluralist and tolerant politics, then the crisis may turn out to be good news for Russians after all (Times Online, 16 March 2009);
Some see Mr Medvedev’s new activity as an attempt to pull away from Mr Putin’s influence (The Economist, 19 February 2009);
Mr Medvedev, who was swept into the Kremlin last year with the backing of Mr Putin, has begun to emerge as a more independent player (The Independent, 2 February 2009);
Mr Medvedev may be plotting a more independent course from Vladimir Putin (The Financial Times, 29 January 2009).
Д.А. Медведев обладает одним существенным плюсом в глазах британских СМИ - он никак не связан с силовыми структурами России и не имеет никакого отношения к КПСС и ФСБ:
His status as the first Russian president with no known links to the old Communist party or Soviet secret service was music to western ears (The Guardian, 19 January 2009).
2.5 Терминал «Народ»
Люди представлены с различных позиций. Упоминается население в целом: Russians, nation, Russian people, ordinary Russians; отдельные возрастные группы: pensioners, youngs, teenager; представители различных профессий: journalists, managers, schoolteachers, headmistress, lawyers, а также различные социальные группы: oligarchs, elite, tycoon, businessmen:
Ordinary Russians are feeling the pinch as factories struggle to stay afloat and companies lay off employees (The Independent, 2 February 2009);
Russians, of course, are used to snow (The Guardian, 2 February 2009);
After weeks without a reply the teenager was suddenly summoned to see her headmistress at her village school in Kalitvensky near Rostov... (The Times, 6 February 2009);
Four years ago impoverished pensioners rocked the government into improving benefits (The Independent, 17 February 2009);
The tycoon – who bought the Evening Standard in January – said he was undaunted and would continue his campaign (The Guardian, 13 April 2009);
… the existence of two centres of authority is creating friction inside the elite (Times Online, 26 January 2009);
The elites are better informed than the rest of the population, have more to lose, and understand just how bad things are (The Independent, 2 February);
… the focus will be on defending the currency and preventing banks and oligarchs, many of whom have huge debts to Western banks, from ruin (The Independent, 2 February 2009).
В исследуемых статьях упоминаются также имена отдельных личностей. Как правило, это олигархи и известные журналисты, придерживающиеся антиправительственных взглядов, реже политические деятели.
В связи с мировым финансовым кризисом британские журналисты «подсчитывают убытки» богатых людей России:
Roman Abramovich has lost more than $20bn, according to Bloomberg, though he is believed to have large cash stocks and was less indebted to banks than some counterparts;
Oleg Deripaska, Russia's richest man last year, had lost $28.4bn – moving him into the red;
Vladimir Potanin reportedly lost $13.2bn after his stock in the company plunged by 65 per cent, fuelling rumours of an imminent merger;
Alisher Usmanov, the metals billionaire and Arsenal shareholder, has reportedly suffered losses of more than $14bn;
Alexei Mordashov, steel magnate, has lost up to three-quarters of his $22bn paper fortune (The Independent, 5 February 2009).
Политических деятелей, имена которых упоминаются британскими журналистами в исследуемых статьях, можно разделить на тех, кто поддерживает нынешнее правительство (Рамзан Кадыров, Андрей Луговой) и тех, кто выступает против него (Гарри Каспаров, Борис Немцов):
Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechnya’s pro-Kremlin president (The Sunday Times, 26 April 2009);
Andrei Lugovoy, a former KGB officer and now member of the Russian parliament (The Times, 25 March 2009);
Mikhail Gorbachev yesterday joined a chorus of influential Russians criticising the handling of the economic crisis (The Observer, 18 January 2009);
Kremlin critic Boris Nemtsov and communist Yuri Dzaganiya (The Guardian, 13 April 2009);
Russia's anti-Kremlin Solidarity party, headed by the opposition leader and former chess champion Garry Kasparov (The Guardian, 17 March 2009).
Особое внимание британских журналистов привлекает фигура бизнесмена-англофила Александра Лебедева (персонально ему посвящено несколько статей). Это происходит по нескольким причинам.
Во-первых, этот человек недавно приобрел лондонскую газету Standard Evening: The tycoon … bought the Evening Standard in January (The Guardian, 13 April 2009).
Во-вторых, это единственный олигарх в России, который «может себе позволить открыто критиковать Кремль»: He … is alone among Russia’s super-rich to criticise the Kremlin openly (The Times, 23 January 2009);
… he says things the other oligarchs would not dare utter, especially when he publicly criticises the government, хотя некоторые считают, что не все на самом деле так, как кажется: On the other hand, this being Russia, it would be a mistake to think of him as an opposition figure. In my view he’s closer to those in power than he likes to admit publicly (The Sunday Times, 18 January 2009).
В-третьих, Лебедев остается загадкой для англичан, его слова и поступки вызывают удивление: While the average Russian oligarch was flaunting fur and partying hard in the ski resort of Courchevel earlier this month, Alexander Lebedev went on holiday to the desert … One of the most intriguing aspects of Lebedev is his playfulness and complexity. Sometimes you never quite know whether he is joking.
So who is this guy: tinker, tailor, media mogul, philanthropist or spy? (The Sunday Times, 18 January 2009).
Красной нитью в британских СМИ проходит тема нарушения прав человека, особенно остро данная проблема стоит в Чечне. В связи с этим появляются имена известных журналистов (Политковская, Бобурова, Бекетов), диссидентов (Литвиненко), а также имена адвокатов (Маркелов), защищающих тех, чьи права «были ущемлены»: в основном, это выходцы из республик Северного Кавказа (Израилов). Однако этих людей связывает не только общность их деятельности, но и то, что о них говорят в прошедшем времени, так как все эти люди тем или иным способом были убиты.
Markelov was one of Russia's most famous human rights defenders and a close colleague of the murdered opposition journalist Anna Politkovskaya. They had worked on numerous cases - travelling to Chechnya together and representing Chechens whose relatives had disappeared (The Guardian, 28 January 2009);
On 13 January, Umar Israilov, an opponent of Chechnya's president, Ramzan Kadyrov, was shot dead in Vienna, again in broad daylight;
Igor Domnikov, Novaya Gazeta reporter, was attacked and died from head injuries in 2000;
Paul Klebnikov, the American-Russian journalist, was shot in Moscow in 2004, a year after publishing a book about a Chechen warlord, and after publishing lists of oligarchs in the Russian Forbes;
In 2008, Magomed Yevloyev, owner of the Ingushetia.ru website, which reported on human rights abuses during counter-terrorist operations in Ingushetia, was killed in a police car, according to Human Rights Watch (New Statesman, 5 February 2009).
Дело о кончине Александра Литвиненко имеет особое значение для Британии, так как трагедия произошла на территории этой страны, а также по причине того, что Россия отказывается выдать британским властям Андрея Лугового, которого Британия считает «основным подозреваемым» по этому делу:
Britain's extradition request for former KGB agent Andrei Lugovoi, wanted in connection with the Litvinenko murder, meanwhile remains blocked (The Guardian, 13 April 2009);
But despite extensive documented claims, this suspect has not been charged and the Kremlin has refused Britain's extradition requests (The Independent, 25 February 2009).
Alexander Litvinenko was a Russian agent sent to Chechnya in the 1990s. He believed he was “fighting terrorism” - but he was startlet by what he found… Litvinenko began to speak out against the assault on Chechnya… His food was spiked with nuclear material in a restaurant in Central London, and he died in agony, of radiation poisoning. The trail of nuclear material ran quite literally through British Airways planes – back to Moscow (The Independent, 25 February 2009).