It is likewise useless to try a classification to sense-groups, as there is no class-denoting formative. The verb may denote almost any verbal action connected with the basis of the underlying substantive. The verb bed has or has had the meanings «spread a bed», «put to bed» (with various implications), «go to bed», «sleep with», and there are more technical meanings. Bladin/5/ had already pointed out that «every action or occurrence can be designated by a verb derived from the very noun the idea of which most easily enters the mind of the person wanting to state a fact», and if Jespersen/7/ says that «it is difficult to give a general definition of the sense-relation between substantive and de-substantival verbs», this is rather an understatement. It may be recognized certain groups, as «put in ...», «furnish, cover, affect ...», but it should be noted that each of these senses is only one the many which the same verb has or may have. Biese/4/, therefore, makes no attempt at classification, and he is certainly right in doing so. It may, however, be worthy of note that the privative sense as in dust «remove the dust (from)» is frequent only with technical terms denoting various kinds of dressing or cleaning. Exs are bur wool or cotton, burl cloth, poll, pollard trees, bone, gut, scale fish.
The meaning of a certain verb is clear in a certain speech situation. That brain means «smash the b.»,can «preserve in cans», winter «pass the winter», is a result of given circumstances which establish the bridge of understanding between the speaker and the person or persons spoken to.
There are derivatives from proper names, as boycott 1880 (orig. spelt with a capital, from the name of Captain Boycott who was first boycotted), Shanghay 1871 ‘drug and press on board a vessel’, Zeppelin 1916 ‘bomb from a zeppelin’ (also clipped = zap).
Some verbs often occur in the -ing substantive only (originally or chiefly), while finite verb forms or infinitives are not or rarely used, as hornpiping ‘dancing a hornpipe’ (no verb rec.), slimming, orcharding ‘cultivation of fruit trees (no verb rec.). Dialling ‘the art of construction dials’, speeching, electioneering, engineering, parlamenteering, volunteering are the original forms. Converted cpds with -monger for a second-word are current only in the -ing form (merit-mongering, money-mongering etc.). Innings are not matched by any other verb form, nor are cocking ‘cock-fighting’, hopping ‘hop-picking’, moon-shining ‘illicit distilling’ and others.
Type idle verb fr. idle adjective. (deadjectival verbs).
To the OE period go back bitter, busy, cool, fair, fat, light, open, right, yellow (obs black, bright, dead, strong, old).
From the period between about 1150 and 1200 are recorded obs sick ‘suffer illness’, soft, low (obs meek, hory, hale). The following date from the period between about 1200 and 1300 (Biese/4/ has included the Cursor Mundi in this period): black, brown, loose, slight, better, blind (obs hardly, certain, rich, wide, broad, less). From the 14th century are recorded ready, clear, grey, sore, pale, full, dull, round, gentle, English, tender, perfect (obs able, sound, weak, unable, honest, noble). From the 15th century purple, stale, clean, from the 16th century shallow, slow, quiet, empty, bloody, idle, equal, dirty, parallel (and many other now obs words, as Biese/4/ points out). The 17th century coined crimson, giddy, worst, blue, gallant, shy, tense, ridicule, unfit, ruddy (and many how obs words. Biese/4/). From 18th century Are recorded net ‘gain as a net sum’ 1758, total (once 1716, then 1859), negative, northern (said of landscape), invalid ‘enter on the sick-list’, queer ‘cheat’ , from the 19th century desperate ‘drive desperate’, stubborn, sly ‘move in a stealthy manner’, chirk ‘make cheerful’, gross ‘make a gross profit’ 1884, southern (said of wind), aeriform, true. From our century there are such words as pretty, wise, lethal, big.
Usually, deadjectival verbs denote change of state, and the meaning is either ‘become ...’ or ‘make ...’. Intransitive verbs with meaning ‘be...’ (as idle, sly, equal) from quite a small group. Some verbs have a comparative or superlative as root: better, best, worst, perhaps lower.
Type out verb fr out particle (verbs derived from
locative particles).
Derivation from locative particles is less common than the preceding types. In Old English there are yppan, fremman (with i-mutation from up, fram), framian, utian. Later are over ‘to master’ 1456, obs under ‘cast down’ 1502, off ‘put off’ 1642, down 1778, nigh ‘draw near’ 1200, thwart 1250, west ‘move towards the west’ 1381, south 1725, north 1866, east 1858.
These words, however, are not very common (except out and thwart).
Type hail verb fr hail interjection (verbs derived from minor particles).
Derivation from exclamation and interjection (most of there onomatopoeias) is more frequent. It will, however, be noted that many of these conversions have undergone functional and formal changes only without acquiring a well - grounded lexical existence, their meaning merely being «say..., utter the sound...». Exs are hail 1200, nay «say nay, refuse» 13.., mum 1399, obs. Hosht «reduce to silence» etc., whoo (16th century), humph (17th century), encore, dee-hup (to a horse), pshaw, halloa, yaw (speak affectedly», hurrah (18th century), tally-ho (fox-hunting term), boo, yes, heigh-ho «sigh», bravo, tut, bow-wow, haw-haw, boo-hoo «weep noisily» etc. (Biese/4/ also Jespersen/7/).
The meaning ‘say...’ may occur with other words also when they are used as exclamation or interjections, as with iffing (other verb forms are not recorded), hence ‘order hence’ (obs., 1580). And it may be reckoned here all the words of the type sir ‘call sir’.
From about 1600 on, geminated forms also occur as verbs. A few have been mentioned in the foregoing paragraph; others are snip-snap (1593),dingle-dangle, ding-dong, pit-pat (17th century), pitter-patter, wiggle-waggle (18th century), criss-cross, rap-tap, wig-wag (19th century) etc.
The limits of verbal derivation.
Derivation from suffixed nouns is uncommon. Biese’s/4/ treatment of the subject suffers from a lack of discrimination. He has about 600 examples of substantives and adjectives; but the ‘suffixes’ are mere terminations. Words such herring, pudding, nothing, worship are not derivatives. The terminations -ace, -ice, -ogue, -y (as in enemy) have never had any derivative force.
Theoretically it would seem that the case of a suffixal composite such as boyhood is not different from that of a fill compound such as spotlight. But obviously the fact that suffixes are categorizes generally prevents suffixal derivatives from becoming the determinants of pseudo-compound verbs. There are very few that are in common use, such as waitress (rec.), package (rec., chiefly in form packaged, packaging), manifold OE (obsolescent today), forward 1596, referee 1889, such adjectives as dirty, muddy. Many more are recorded in OED (as countess, patroness, squiress, traitress ‘play the...’, fellowship, kingdom a.o.).
Another reason seems to be still more important. Many of the nominal suffixes derive substantives from verbs., and it would be contrary to reason to form such verbs as arrival, guidance, improvement, organization when arrive, guide, improve, organize exist. Similar consideration apply to deadjectival derivatives like freedom or idleness. The verb disrupture is recorded in OED (though only in participial forms) but it is not common. Reverence is used as a verb, but it is much older (13.., 1290) than the verb revere (1661). It should also be noted that the alternation revere/reverence shows characteristics of vowel change and stress which are irregular with derivation by means of -ance, -ence. For same reason reference is not a regular derivative from refer, which facilitated the coinage reference ‘provide with references’ etc. 1884.
There are no verbal derivatives from prefixed words either. The verb unfit ‘make unfit’ 1611 is isolated.
Type look substantive fr. look verb (deverbal
substantives).
Deverbal substantives are much less numerous than denominal verbs. The frequency-relation between the two types has been approximately the same in all periods of the language. An exception is to be made for the second half of the 13th century «when the absolute number of conversion-substantives is larger that of the verbs formed from substantives» (Biese/4/).
Form the 13th century are recorded (unless otherwise mentioned in parentheses, the resp. Verbs are OE) dread (1175), have, look, steal, weep, call (1225), crack, ‘noise’, dwell, hide, make, mislike, mourn, show, spit, ‘spittle’, stint, wrest ‘act of twisting’ a.o.
From the later ME period are recorded (indications in parentheses refer to the respective verbs) fall (OE), feel (OE), keep (OE), lift (ME), move (ME), pinch (ME), put (ME), run (OE), snatch (ME), sob (ME), walk (OE), wash (OE).
From the 16th century date craze (ME), gloom (ME), launch (ME), push (ME), rave (ME), say (OE), scream (ME), anub (ME), swim (OE), wave (OE); from the 17th century contest (1579), converse (ME), grin (OE), laugh (OE), produce (1499), sneeze (1493), take (ME), yawn (OE); from the 18th century finish (ME), hand (OE), pry (ME), ride (OE), sit (OE). From the 19th century fix (ME), meet (OE), shampoo (1762), spill (OE).
As for the meaning of deverbal substantive, the majority denote the act or rather a specific instance of what the verbal idea expresses quote, contest, fall, fix, knock, lift etc. This has been so from the beginning (Hertrampf and Biese/4/). «The abstract nouns, including nouns of action, are not only the most common type of conversion-substantives; they are also those of the greatest importance during the early periods of the development of conversions» (Biese/4/). «The conversion-substantive used in a personal or concrete sense are, especially in the earlier stages, of comparatively slight importance» (ib.).
Concrete senses show mince ‘minced meat’, produce ‘product’, rattle ‘instrument’, sprout ‘branch’, shoot ‘branch’, shear ‘shorn animal’, sink ‘sewer’, clip ‘instrument’, cut ‘passage, opening’, spit ‘spittle’, stride ‘one of a flight of steps’.
Sbs denoting the result of the verbal action are catch, take, win ‘victory’, cut ‘provision’, find, melt ‘melded substance’, snatch ‘excerpt from a song’ e.c.
Place-denoting are fold, bend, slip, wush ‘sandbank’, dump etc.
Sbs denoting the impersonal agent are draw ‘attraction’, catch (of a gate, a catching question etc.), sting ‘animal organ’, tread ‘part of the sole that touches the ground’, do, take-in, all ‘tricky contrivance’, wipe ‘handkerchief’ sl etc.
There are also number of substantives denoting a person. OE knew the type boda ‘bode’ (corresponding to L scriba, OHG sprecho) which in ME was replaced by the type hunter. Several words survived, however, as bode, help (OE help), hint (the last quotation in OED is from 1807), and they are occasional ME formations, as ally 1380 (if it is not rather French allie); but could be apprehended as formed after the type. Obs. Cut (a term of abuse) 1490 does not seem to have any connection with the verb cut, and scold ‘scolding woman’ 1200 is doubtful, the verb is first quoted 1377.
The word wright, which now occurs only as a second-word of cpds (cart-wright etc.) is no longer apprehended as an agent noun (belonging to wolk). Otherwise all deverbal substantives denoting a personal agent are of Modern English origin, 16th century or more recent. The type probably came into existence under the influence of the types pickpocket and runabout. Exs are romp ‘child or woman fond of romping’ 1706, flirt 1732, crack ‘cracksman’ 1749 (thieves’ sl), bore ‘tiresome p.’ 1812, sweep ‘chimney sweeper’ 1812, coach ‘tutor, trainer’ 1848 (misleadingly classed in OED, as if from substantive coach), discard ‘discarded person’. The great number of depreciative terms is striking.
For the sake of convenience it is repeated here the examples of such personal deverbal substantives as form the second-words of cpds: upstart 1555, by-blow 1595=obs. By-slip 1670 ‘bastard’, chimney-sweep 1614, money-grub 1768, shoeblack and bootbleck 1778, new-come ‘new arrival’ 1577, bellhop, carhop rec.
The formation if deverbal substantives may be considered from the angle of syntactical grouping. No doubt there are different frequency-rates for a word according to the position which it has in a sentence. Biese/4/ has devoted a chapter to the question and has established various types of grouping which have influenced the growth of the type. It can be seen that deverbal substantives frequently occur in prepositional groups (to be in the know), that type are often the object of give, make, have, take (less so of other verbs), that only 11% of the examples show the deverbal substantives as subject of the sentence and that they are frequently by adjuncts. The most important patterns are ‘(be) in the know’ and ‘(have) a look’. Exs of the first type are phrases such as in the long run, upon the go, with a thrust of his hair, after this sit, for a tell, for the kill, for the draw, of English make, at a qulp, etc.
As for the t. ‘(have) a look’, «the use of phrasal verbs with conversion-substantives may be said to be a very marked feature during all periods from early ME up to the present time. As shown by these quotations, the origins of this use may be said to go back as far as the OE period» (Biese/4/). Exs are; have a wash, a smoke, a swim, a chat etc., give a laugh, a cry, a break, a toss, a whistle, the chick, the go-by etc., take a ride, a walk, a swim, a read, the lead etc., make a move, a dive, a bolt, a bow etc. etc.
It will be interesting to compare zero-derivatives with the -ing substantives. Historical speaking there is no longer a competition so far as the formation of common substantives is concerned. The number of new-formed -ing substantives has been steadily decreasing since the beginning of the MoE period. According to Biese/4/ the figures for newly introduced -ing substantives, as compared with zero-derivatives of the same verbs, are as follows: 13th century = 62, 14th = 80, 15th = 19, 16th =12, 17th century =5, 18th century =2, 19th century =0. Biese/4/ has obviously considered the rise of new forms only, but the semantic development of -ing substantives. Otherwise his figures would have been different. Any verb may derive an -ing substantive which can take the definite article. The -ing then invariably denotes the action of the verb: the smoking of the gentlemen disturbed me. The zero-derivative, as compared with the ing, never denotes the action but gives the verbal ideal in a nominalized form, i.e. the notional content of the verbal idea (with the secondary implication of the idea ‘act’): the gentlemen withdrew for a smoke. «In their use with phrasal verbs -ing forms have become obsolete, whereas there is an ever increasing number of conversion substantives used in conjunction with verbs like make, take etc....»(Biese/4/). On the other hand, common substantives in ing are now chiefly denominal, denoting something concrete, chiefly material which eliminates ing as a rival for zero-derivatives. According to Biese/4/ this distinction is already visible in the early stages of conversion. Biese/4/ points out that a prepositional substantive following a substantive is almost always a ‘genitivus subjectivus’ (the grind of wheels), whereas the same type of group following an -ing substantive is most often a ‘genitivens objectivus’ which is certainly an observation to the point, as it shows the verbal character of the -ing substantives as compared with the more nominal character of zero-derivatives.