certain mystery and secrecy of their membership and their future plans. It was
always under some form of scrutiny or ban from the political authorities. Under
the leadership of Hedgewar, the RSS remained a cultural and social organization
committed to the advancement of the Hindu people. Although, the RSS trained its
disciples to be aggressive and protective of their culture, Hedgewar insisted
that they not get confrontational or purposely attack other communities.
Hedgewar also insisted that the RSS remain out of politics totally. Members were
allowed to join politics on their own, but the organization was to remain
completely apolitical. Hedgewar felt that politics was a ?dirty? business
and he was more concerned with training the youth, which would have a domino
effect on later politics in India. His successor, Golwalker, respected his
wishes and kept the RSS out of politics. However, with Golwalker the RSS began
to receive an anti-Muslim sentiment directly from the leader. The RSS membership
always seemed to have contempt for the Muslims as well as the British, but it
was now more evident in the writings of their leader. In his book, We or Our
Nationhood Defined, Golwalker made claims of a Hindustan that was to be the land
of the Hindus where they could practice their all-prevailing religious
traditions without contamination from European or Muslim culture. ?Any
non-Hindus in India must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion,
must entertain no idea but those of glorificationof the Hindu race and culture,
and could only stay in the country wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation,
claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential
treatment.? (Brown 347) With the insurgence of new blood into the RSS from its
many student affiliate groups, the RSS began to grow and expand. The RSS
membership began to divide on its future objectives and goals. The
traditionalist of the Sangh wanted to concentrate on character building within
the Shakha and keep out of the country’s politics. The new members of the Sangh,
saw the RSS as a growing force on the subcontinent and wanted to use the
influence in a more aggressive and political way. In the end, the traditionalist
of the RSS won and the RSS stayed out of the pre-independence politics of India.
The RSS came under harsh criticism for this move, as many supporters felt that
the RSS was the only organized and influential group that could have prevented
partition. Lord Mountbatten, the last British Viceroy, announced the partition
of the Indian subcontinent on a communal basis on June 3, 1947, and termination
of colonial rule on August 15, 1947. The British created a boundary force to
keep law and order during partition but dissolved it in September 1947. Millions
of Hindus and Sikhs were left unprotected in West Punjab, and the same for
Muslims in East Punjab. Violence was everywhere as early as June 1947 and
reached its peak in September 1947. It only subsided when the minority
communities of West Pakistan (formerly West Punjab) fled to India. Golwalker had
set an example of fearlessness by moving through riot torn areas consoling
refugees in their flight to India. The East Punjab government provided
assistance, including the issuance of weapons to the RSS, while they were
organizing rescue squads to bring refugees to India. Armed Swayamsevaks were
assigned to guard Hindu and Sikh homes. They even retaliated against Muslims in
Pakistan when danger was imminent. Their rescue efforts helped bolster
confidence and pride among the demoralized Hindus and Sikhs of the Punjab area.
The growing popularity and activism of the RSS proved it an influential force to
be reckoned with. (Andersen and Damle 52) The RSS ?s humanitarian efforts
during the partition had won it respect from the people of the newly established
India. However, the government was wary that the RSS posed a political threat to
the stability of the country. Many Muslim leaders in India were growing fearful
of the anti-Muslim sentiment that the RSS members characterized. The RSS did
realize that it had to take a more active role in the political activities of
India. During the Kashmir war, when Pakistan sent in armed raiders, the Indian
Armed forces supplied arms to the RSS volunteers. These Swayamsevaks fought the
enemy on the side of the Indian soldiers. The RSS kept the supply lines moving
and carried arms and ammunition for the soldiers through hazardous areas.
(Andersen and Damle 53) In the closing months of 1947, senior political figures
became increasingly outspoken about the danger of the RSS becoming an
independent political force. The national Herald of Lucknow expressed this fear
in editorials published. It compared the RSS with the paramilitary form of the
German Nazi party. The RSS had been accused of being a secret society in that
what they said or showed was mostly meant to hide the reality. The daily
activities of the RSS were said to be a means of organizing Hindu society and
promoting Hindu culture. To be political is no crime, and in a democracy every
individual and association has the right to act politically. However, the RSS
has been accused of being an organization that tries to camouflage its
characters and objectives, thus giving many, every reason to be suspicious of
its on goings. Many felt that the RSS had all the characteristics of a fascist
organization. (Goyal 14) Many senior RSS figures maintained a hesitant attitude
regarding party politics in Independent India. Many felt that this was a corrupt
system and the RSS should have no involvement. Nevertheless, the more activist
youths were demanding some RSS involvement in politics. The main objective was
to gain political protection as the RSS was banned after the assassination of
Mahatma Gandhi; an event many people held the RSS responsible for. The RSS was
reinstated only after presenting a new constitution to the government which
stated that it was a non-political, cultural organization and would preach
religious tolerance. (Brown 348) But by this time contempt for the RSS had risen
to the most top level of government?Prime Minister Jawarhalal Nehru. Nehru and
his successors would all keep a watchful eye on the RSS with continuous
scrutinizing and banning of many of its activities. The RSS maintained a strong
relation and presence with student groups. These groups were a pool for new
membership for the Sangh. The RSS wanted to expand its base and get involved
with the masses of India. It was very successful in aligning itself with several
labour unions and agricultural unions. The RSS kept away from the large
capitalistic businesses. Even though the RSS won the support of these unions,
the ideology of the organization never appealed to the common peasant in India.
The Hindu Mahasabha, the Arya Samaj and the RSS were the most prominent
organizations dedicated to Hindu revivalism. There was a lot of cross membership
between these groups. However, the RSS steered away from the political Hindu
Mahasabha, as much of the public also considered this group responsible for
Gandhi?s death. The Mahasabha became insignificant in Indian politics. The RSS
gave its support to the new Jana Sangh, the predecessor of the Bhartiya Janata
Party (BJP). It was time that the RSS expand its affiliation with other groups;
it was now a reality if the organization was to improve the country it had to be
involved somewhat in politics. Of the religious organizations, the Arya Samaj in
Northern India was a close ally of the RSS. The Arya Samaj predates the RSS in
its Hindu revivalism movement. They often supported the RSS or its affiliates,
but also kept themselves separate. Other religious organizations came directly
from the RSS family tree, the most prominent of these is the Vishwal Hindu
Parishad (VHP). The VHP was seen as the more extreme religious arm of the RSS,
just as the Jana Sangh (later the BJP) had been seen as the political arm of the
RSS. Many criticize the VHP as an organization that takes on more extreme
projects on behalf of the RSS, such as the destruction of the Babri mosque in
Ayodhya, December 6, 1992, allowing the RSS to maintain its claim to being
purely a cultural organization. The VHP has also grown to become a large
organization and is at present comparable to the RSS in strength, numbers and
ideals of higher morals. There was lots of cross membership within the different
organizations. The RSS lent its prominent members to these groups to help serve
or organize projects and campaigns. The RSS?s support of the VHP allowed its
members to participate in more activist projects concerning Hindu revivalism.
Its support of the Jana Sangh and the BJP also allowed its members to get
involved on the Indian political scene in a very large way. Although these
organizations?the RSS, VHP, BJP, Arya Samaj, Hindu Mahasabha and
others?differ in their ideologies or methods, they all seem to be connected by
a strong network and a commitment to Hindu revivalism. In recent years, these
groups have received a strong nod of popular support and political importance.
India?s current government will most likely be a coalition formed around the
BJP. The new millenium will be an interesting and trying time for the 1 billion
plus of India. Being the major exponent in spreading Hindu nationalism, the RSS
had come under much attack for their actions, policies and supposed hidden
agendas. They have always maintained themselves as a cultural organization,
despite other allegations. One cannot help but sympathize with them for the
concept they uphold based on valid fears when one takes a look at Indian history
and politics. The RSS have been credited for much humanitarian efforts during
partition and after, but they have also been a factor in the rising communal
feelings in India. Albeit the RSS is considered by many as a secret
organization, its claims of rather being a silent organization still remains
with its ultimate goal of seeing India realizing Hind Swaraj. The only thing the
RSS must remember is that they are not the only nationals of India. In a
democratic state such as India all voices must be heard. Mother India has many
other children, whether they are Hindu, Sikh, Christian or Muslim.
Andersen, Walter K., Damle, Shridhar D. The Brotherhood in Saffron: The
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism. Colorado: Westview Press,
1987. Brass, Paul R. The Politics of India Since Independence. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1994. Brown, Judith M. Modern India: The Origins of
an Asian Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Goyal, D. R.
Seminar: Secret Societies?RSS. New Delhi: Romesh Thapur, 1972. Jayaprasad, K.
RSS and Hindu Nationalism. New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1991. Malkani,
K. R. The RSS Story. New Delhi: Impex India, 1980. South Asia: After Ayodhya:
BJP and the Indian Political System. Nedlands: University of Western Australia
Press for the South Asian Studies Association, 1994. Spitz, Douglas. The RSS and
Hindu Militancy in the 1980’s. Internet Article: http://www.monm.edu/academic/Classics/Speel_Festschrift/spitz.htm