, Research Paper
The Four Political Parties of Canada
In a country as vast and as culturally diverse as Canada, many different
political opinions can be found stretched across the country. From the affluent
neighbourhoods of West Vancouver to the small fishing towns located on the east
coast of Newfoundland, political opinions and affiliations range from the left
wing to the right wing. To represent these varying political views, Canada has
four official national political parties to choose from: the Liberals (who are
currently in power), the Progressive Conservatives, the New Democrats, and the
Reform Party. What is particularly interesting is that none of the latter three
parties compose Her Majesty’s Official Opposition in the House of Commons. The
Bloc Quebecois, a Quebec separatist party who only ran candidates in the
province of Quebec in the last federal election in 1993, won 54 seats in that
province, and claimed the title of Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition over the
Reform Party, who garnered only 52 seats. Because the Bloc ran candidates only
in Quebec, it would be difficult to think of them being a national political
party, even though they hold a significant number of seats in the national
legislature. This paper will examine the significant early history of Canada’s
four main national political parties, and then will analyse their current state,
referring to recent major political victories/disasters, and the comparison of
major economic policy standpoints, which will ultimately lead to a prediction of
which party will win the next federal election in Canada.
Starting on the far left, there is the New Democratic Party of Canada.
Today’s modern New Democratic Party was originally called the Co-operative
Commonwealth Federation (CCF), and was founded in 1932. Originally led by a man
by the name of James Shaver Woodsworth, the CCF was formed by several radical
farming groups who found out that they had more similarities with each other
than just their destitution. The 1920’s had been a dark period for radicals and
unions within Canada; poverty and significantly lower wages for workers were
prevalent, and apathy regarding these issues was rampant. When the depression
wove its destructive web across Canada in the 1930s, proponents of capitalism
were staggered, but their left-wing opponents were too busy coming to the aid of
the victims of the depression, and could not deal with the capitalists
effectively. When the CCF was officially formed in Calgary, they adopted the
principle policy of being “a co-operative commonwealth, in which the basic
principle regulating production, distribution and exchange will be the supplying
of human needs instead of the making of profits.” (Morton, p.12, 1986)
Meanwhile, in Eastern Canada, a group of scholars formed the League for Social
Reconstruction (LSR), and gave the Canadian left a version of socialism that was
related in some respects to the current social and economic situation in Canada.
In 1933, the CCF had its first major convention in Regina, Saskatchewan, and the
original policy platform first proposed by the CCF was replaced by a manifesto
prepared by an LSR committee and originally drafted by a Toronto scholar, Frank
Underhill. The Regina Manifesto, as it is known as today, put emphasis on
“economic planning, nationalisation of financial institutions, public utilities
and natural resources, security of tenure for farmers, a national labour code,
socialised health services and greatly increased economic powers for the central
government.” (Morton, p.12, 1986) As a supplement to the feverish mood created
by the convention, the Regina convention concluded by saying “no CCF Government
will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism and put into operation the
full programme of socialised planning which will lead to the establishment in
Canada of the Co-operative Commonwealth.” (Morton, p.12, 1986). The CCF tried
to garner more popular support later down the road, and after calling itself the
New Party in 1960, it changed its name officially to the New Democratic Party
(NDP) in 1962. Over the years, the NDP has become a large force in Canadian
politics, becoming an alternative to the Conservatives and Liberals. (Morton,
pgs.12-27, 1986)
Even to the casual Canadian political observer, the NDP is generally
regarded as the party at the bottom of the political barrel at the federal level.
In the last Canadian federal election in 1993 under the leadership of Audrey
McLoughlin, the NDP went from holding 43 seats in the House of Commons to only 9.
McLoughlin resigned, paving the way for the election of the former leader of
the Nova Scotia NDP to the federal post, Alexa McDonough in 1994. On the
provincial level, however, the NDP has experienced some success of late.
Ontario, British Columbia, Manitoba and Saskatchewan have had (or currently
have) an NDP provincial mandate. (Guy, p.384, 1995)
On the policy front, the NDP seem to be most concerned with a plan for
“fair taxes now.” (fairtaxnow.html, 1997) According to the NDP, “it’s time
banks and big corporations paid their fair share — so we can better afford
health care, education and other services for middle class and working
families.” (fairtaxnow.html, 1997) Some of the key points of the NDP’s “fair
taxes now” campaign include “a minimum corporate tax, a minimum wealth tax, an
end to tax breaks for profitable corporations that lay people off, an end to
corporate deductions for meals and entertainment, and increased federal auditing
and enforcement of existing corporate taxes,” (fairtaxnow.html, 1997) to name a
few. Of course, these recommendations for taxation reform reflect the typical
left-wing, socialistic standpoints that the NDP has stood for ever since its
inception.
Moving further towards the centre of the political scale, the current
federal governing party in Canada, the Liberal Party of Canada, is found.
Liberals in an independent form started to be elected to the various
legislatures around the country in the middle of the 1800s, with a formal party
being created in the late 1800s. The purpose of forming a formal party was a
response to the increasing popularity of the Conservatives in Canada; “…the
rural Clear Grits of Upper Canada, the anti-clerical rouges, and the reform
element in the Maritimes came together gradually as the Liberal Party.”
(McMenemy, pg.10, 1976) In its early years, the Liberal Party reflected the
various demographics of religion and geography among the voting public in Canada.
With widespread support in Canada’s rural areas several years after
Confederation, “the Liberal Party opposed protectionism and supported commercial
reciprocity with the United States. It also opposed MacDonald’s program of
railway construction. Led by Sir Wilfred Laurier, the Liberals supported
unrestricted reciprocity and suffered for it in the election of 1891.”
(McMenemy, pg.12, 1976) The Liberals’ policy on trade annoyed industrialists,
who were intimidated by the prospect of unlimited trade. British Loyalists
regarded the trade reciprocity as being anti-British. In the latter part of the
1890s, however, Laurier adjusted the party’s policy on trade reciprocity. “In
the budget of 1897, the Liberals neatly undercut the Conservatives by
introducing the principle of a minimum and a maximum tariff. A chief result of
this Liberal protectionism was to give British goods a preference in Canada.”
(McMenemy, pg.12, 1976) Another significant move made by the Liberals was in
1903, when Prime Minister Laurier announced the construction of a second
transcontinental railroad. Laurier’s minister of railways dissented on the idea
and in turn was sacked by the Prime Minister. “By the election of 1904, the
Liberals had acquired MacDonald’s railway and tariff policy and could therefore
wear the previously Conservative mantle of ?party of national
development.’”(McMenemy, pg.12, 1976)
The Liberal Party of Canada currently forms the federal government of
Canada. Their current leader, Jean Chretien, was elected to succeed John Turner
in 1990. Around the time Chretien was elected leader, questions within and
outside the party were raised regarding the political “baggage” that Chretien
carried from previous Liberal governments. Despite the controversy, Chretien
won his party’s leadership quite comfortably, and returned his party to
prominence once again in 1993 by forming a federal government with a large
majority in the House of Commons. Looking back, this current Liberal mandate
has weathered relatively little criticism until recently. One of Chretien’s
campaign promises in 1993 was to scrap the Goods and Services Tax (GST) if the
Liberals were to form a government. To complement that promise by Chretien,
Sheila Copps, another prominent Liberal from Hamilton, Ontario, vowed to resign
if the GST was not scrapped under a Liberal mandate. Three years into the
Liberal mandate, controversy began to rise over Chretien’s and Copps’ promises
regarding the GST. Copps eventually resigned after much criticism, and won back
her seat in her Hamilton riding in a by-election several weeks later. Chretien
was subjected to large amounts of public criticism, especially during one of CBC
TV’s electronic “town hall” meetings. Chretien argued the fact that the
Liberals never said that they were going to scrap the GST, and that people
should read their policy guide, the “Red Book,” to find out where exactly the
Liberals stood on the issue of the GST. Chretien argued during this debate that
the Liberals wanted to replace the GST instead of scrapping it. Earlier clips
taken from the parliamentary channel and radio interviews seemed to contradict
his claim that the Liberals wanted to replace the GST. “We hate it and we will
kill it!” (the GST) were the exact words that came out of Jean Chretien’s mouth
during a debate in the House of Commons over the GST, before the Liberals took
power in 1993. Since the federal election has not been called yet, it has yet
to be seen whether or not the Canadian public has lost any faith in the current
Prime Minister.
The Liberals have made the economic revival of Canada one of their top
policy platforms, so much so that in the online edition of the Red Book,
economic policy is chapter one. The Liberals explain their approach to
economic policy by saying that they will focus on the five major problems facing
the current Canadian economy: “lack of growth, high unemployment, high long-term
real interest rates, too high levels of foreign indebtedness, and excessive
government debt and deficits.” (chapter1.html, 1997) In the online edition of
the Red Book, the Liberals also state that the “better co-ordination of federal
and provincial tax and economic policies must be achieved in the interests of
all Canadians….we will work with the provinces to redesign the current social
assistance programs, to help people on social assistance who are able to work to
move from dependence to full participation in the economic and social life of
this country….and that Canadians are entitled to trade rules that are fair
that secure access to new markets, and that do not undermine Canadian
commitments to labour and environmental standards.” (chapter1.html, 1997)
There is also a brief section about the Liberals’ plan to create many more jobs
for Canadians, which was one of their large campaign platforms during the 1993
election. (chapter1.html, 1997)
Right of centre on the political scale, the Progressive Conservative
Party of Canada can be found. The Progressive Conservatives (PCs) were, in
their fledgling years, known as the Conservative Party (and before that, the
Liberal-Conservatives), and was founded before the Liberal Party of Canada,
making it the oldest political party in Canada. “While it is difficult to pin-
point a precise date of origin of the Conservative Party there is nevertheless
good reason for regarding 1854 as the inaugural year for the political group
which has continued to this day as the conservative element in Canadian
politics.” (Macquarrie, pg.3, 1965) In 1854, John A. MacDonald, who was to
become Canada’s first Prime Minister ever, led the Conservative Party to office
and “began the process which established a nation in the northern part of this
continent and set the pattern for that nation’s political institutions.”
(Macquarrie, pg.4, 1965) Since Confederation, many events in Canadian politics
have held vast significance in Canada’s history. For example: Confederation
(1867), Hudson Bay territories joining the dominion (1870), Arctic Islands added
to the dominion (1880), the defeat of reciprocity (1911), the enfranchisement of
women (1918), the providing of universal suffrage under the Dominion Elections
Act (1920), the Statute of Westminster (1931), and finally, the addition of
Newfoundland to the Dominion (1949). It is interesting to note that all of
these significant political occurrences were made under Conservative Party
mandates. (Macquarrie, pg.2, 1965) “It has been said that if Canada had an
Independence Day it would be December 11, 1931, the date of the proclamation of
the Statute of Westminster under the regime of Prime Minister R.B. Bennett.”
(Macquarrie, pg.3, 1965) The Statute of Westminster “repealed the Colonial Laws
Validity Act and gave Canada absolute legislative autonomy except as requested
by Canada in the case of amendments to the British North America Act.”
(Macquarrie, pg.107, 1965) This was a recognition of an establishment which was
long overdue. Before the Statute of Westminster was implemented in 1931, it was
under the rule of another conservative Prime Minister, Sir Robert Borden, in
which Canada took its largest steps towards having “full independence and
complete national sovereignty. Vigorously and successfully he (Borden) asserted
the equality of nations comprising the Commonwealth.” (Macquarrie, pg.3, 1965)
In December of 1942, the Conservative Party met at a leadership convention in
Winnipeg, and after some prodding by one of the candidates, John Bracken, the
name of the Conservative Party was changed to that of the Progressive
Conservatives, in order to reflect the party’s progressive goals and intentions.
(Macquarrie, pg.122, 1965) Under the name of Progressive Conservative party,
John Diefenbaker led the party to the largest landslide victory in the history
of Canadian politics in 1958, just one year after the Diefenbaker government had
won a minority government. (Guy, pg.393, 1995)
In recent years, the Progressive Conservatives have been dealt severe
blows at the polls. In 1993, the Progressive Conservatives went from having the
majority government in the House of Commons to a mere two seats: current PC
leader Jean Charest in Sherbrooke, and Elsie Wayne in Saint John. The PCs can
attach their massive defeat in the 1993 election to nine years of rule by Brian
Mulroney. Mulroney won two large majority governments in 1984 and 1988, but in
the 1988 term, his fortunes turned south. His government was responsible for
the implementation of the hated Goods and Services tax, the Free Trade Agreement
with the United States, and the Meech Lake Accord. Several months before the
1993 federal election was called, Mulroney stepped down as party leader, which
paved the way for the election of Kim Campbell, then Justice Minister, to the
post of Prime Minister. Campbell was the first female Prime Minister of Canada,
even though she was not elected by the general voting public. Her early days of
campaigning were regarded as successful for herself and the party, but in the
latter part of the election campaign, debates over whether or not Campbell was a
competent leader were raised. Her trip-up in the late stages of the election
campaign set the stage for the Custer-like wiping out of her party; she was even
soundly defeated in her own riding of Vancouver Central. Even though the
federal party was decimated, provincial PC parties seemed to hold their own
during the federal dark times. Currently, there are Progressive Conservative
provincial governments in Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario and Prince Edward Island.
PEI Conservatives won the most recent election, going from only one seat in the
PEI legislature to a majority. The Conservatives in Ontario were also recent
winners. Under the leadership of Mike Harris, the Ontario Conservatives ousted